Review: American Betrayal: The Secret Assault on Our Nation’s Character, by Diana West
Where to begin?
In American Betrayal *, Diana West begins in 1933.
In the name of establishing historical
causo-connections, I would have begun in 1781, when Prussian philosopher
Immanuel Kant published his Critique of
Pure Reason, a brain-cracking treatise which relied on reality to prove
that reality was unknowable. That is, by reading his book, a real thing in your
real hands, you were expected to agree with Kant that real things were only
rough reflections of things whose “essences” existed beyond the
evidence of our benighted, warping senses, in some other realm. Kant counted on
everyone not noticing the contradiction and not seeing the ease with which his
elaborately constructed mare’s nest could be exploded.
No contemporary, I gather,
ever confronted Kant and said, “Herr Professor! If what you say is true,
then this book is just a shadow, and the print in it, and all your words, too!
What could they mean? How could they be true? Are your words noumena,
or mere phenomena?”
But no one ever did confront
Kant with his contradictions, fallacies, and cerebral legerdemain, except some
Hegelian hair-splitters, and the Western world has been the worse for it.
as the American Revolution, a product of the Enlightenment, was winding to a
close with the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown, with reality-loyal
Americans winning their freedom from the British monarchy, Kant published his Critique, whose ideas, if not opposed
and refuted, were guaranteed to destroy the freedom of their heirs. The
Founders, as they later debated in Philadelphia the means and ends of a true
republican government that would guarantee men’s freedom from each other, were
not aware of the incubus that was birthing across the Atlantic and which would
eventually infect American political philosophy with the syphilis of
collectivism, moral relativism, and statism in the 19th century.
Kant was an enemy of the Enlightenment.
Diana West, among her other arguments, contends that the political and
intellectual leaders of the West by 1933 had abandoned reason and all
Enlightenment ideas. Nay, with very few exceptions, they became as hostile to them
as Kant ever was.
West begins in 1933. Of what
significance is that year?
Adolph Hitler became
Chancellor of Germany and Reichsstatthalter of Prussia on January 30th,
1933. From August 1934, he would be Führer of Germany until his suicide in
Democrat Franklin D.
Roosevelt became the 32nd president of the United States on March 4th,
1933. He would remain in that office until his death in April 1945.
On November 20, 1933, at
Roosevelt’s urging, the U.S. recognized the Soviet Union. West writes:
West’s decision to recognize the USSR – and its determination to keep
recognizing it, no matter how much lying and acquiescence to betrayal that
entailed – did more to transform us than any single act before or since. The
profound diplomatic shift – part Faustian bargain, part moral lobotomy – didn’t
just invite the Soviet Union into the community of nations. To make room for
the monster-régime, the United States had to surrender the terra firma of
objective morality and reality-based judgment. No wonder, then, that tens of
thousands of Dreyfus cases in Russia meant nothing to the “conscience of
the civilized world….
the Communist régime was so openly and ideologically dedicated to our
destruction, the act of recognition defied reason and the demands of self-preservation.
Recognition and all that came with it, including alliance, would soon become the enemy of reason and
was here that we abandoned the lodestars of good and evil, the clarity of black
and white. Closing our eyes, we dove head first into a weltering morass of
exquisitely enervating and agonizing grays. (pp. 195-196)
In short, the U.S. government
had by 1933 lost the capacity for making moral judgments. It cringed like a
coward when asked to make one, and hissed and spat like a rabid animal at the
mere suggestion of it. It still does when the subject of Islam comes up.
Recognition of the Soviet
Union not only granted the murderous Communist dictatorship a moral sanction,
it also opened the gates to the wholesale Soviet infiltration and subversive
activities of its agents, American sympathizers or “fellow
travelers,” and members of the Communist Party USA. The Soviets never
honored any of the terms of that recognition.
The precedent had been set.
We can see the insidious parallels today in our government’s refusal to
withdraw moral sanctions from Islamic régimes and its tolerance of
terrorist-founded and terrorist state-funded organizations like the Council on
American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) and the Muslim American Society (MAS) within
our own borders.
In March 1933, Harry Hopkins,
a veteran of former New York Governor Roosevelt’s welfare programs, on
Roosevelt’s invitation joins the new administration, at first running the
Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), the Civil Works Administration
(CWA) and the Works Progress Administration (WPA). In this pre-war period he
also established the National Youth Administration (NYA) and the Federal One
Programs for artists and writers.
In May 1940, Roosevelt makes
Hopkins his first counsel in all matters pertaining to Europe and the new war. Hopkins
moves into the Lincoln Bedroom at the White House, his office and residence for
the next three and a half years. Hopkins not only advises Roosevelt on foreign
policy and war issues, but directs Lend-Lease, a program conceived by Armand
Hammer, a notorious Sovietaphile, ostensibly created to aid the British in
their fight against the Nazis, but actually intended to aid Josef Stalin and
the Soviet Union.
Between 1932 and 1933,
millions of Russians starved to death as Stalin’s government confiscated
harvests in the brutal forced collectivization of Russian agriculture. Millions
more would perish over the decade from starvation, from being sent as slaves in
the Gulag, in mass executions, and in political purges.
But 1933, writes West, was a
crucial year in American history. In reprising the statements of historians and
commentators about the wrongness of recognizing the Soviet régime as a
legitimate government, given the known
horrific consequences of forced collectivization, she states:
J. Dunn agrees with historian David Mayers, who has argued that the failure of
the U.S. government under Roosevelt to reckon with the profound crime of the
Terror Famine in negotiations over recognition made it – us – “a passive
accomplice to Stalin in the Ukraine.”
agree. Which makes 1933 the year of America’s Fall (p. 243)
Diana West steps up to lectern
and confronts Professor Kant with some very incisive and inconvenient questions
of her own. Who really won World War II? Was it really America’s “Good
War”? Did the “greatest generation” fight to rid the world of
one toxic dictatorship only to enable another to take its place? How is it that
the only beneficiary of that war was the Soviet Union, which acquired an Eastern
European empire? Were Americans conned, scammed, and robbed throughout the
government-perpetuated Depression and then during the war? Who was really
establishing American foreign policy in the 1930’s and 1940’s: Roosevelt, or
Stalin through Harry Hopkins, who had Roosevelt’s ear 24/7, and countless
Soviet agents and traitors embedded in our government dedicated to selling
secrets, altruism, self-sacrifice and welfare statism?
Hopkins, West suggests, was
the Soviets’ most important agent in the U.S. government. Whether or not he was
“recruited” or “co-opted” by the Soviets, or was a
volunteer agent, West was not able to determine with certainty. He is referred
to in Soviet cables as “Agent 19.” The KGB boasted that he was the
Soviet Union’s “most important agent.”
West performs a yeoman’s task
and gets to the “essence” of that whole sorry and tragic period,
proving in her narrative that the reality of our relationship with the Soviets is knowable, and moreover, that its “essence”
was ugly, scary, and shameful. I would
add, pertaining to all the actors in
that period responsible for what West calls the “Big Lie,” criminal
What precedes and follows West’s
statement is not for the weak of stomach or faint of heart. With a meticulous
and excruciating fealty to the truth, and after exhaustive and often
frustrating research (because many documents that once existed and that were
evidence of the government’s complicity were destroyed or had simply vanished from
government archives), West paints a picture of not only FDR’s complacency
towards Soviet totalitarianism, but Harry Hopkins’s contribution to the fall,
as well, in addition to that of a legion of liars, fabricators, Communist
moles, agents, and spies who populated government positions.
If you think the Benghazi
cover-up is a classic case of desperate political back-pedaling, official lies
and semi-lies, face-saving, and walking away from reality, that episode is
merely a miniature of the colossal con pulled on the whole country by Roosevelt
and his minions from 1933 onward.
West covers several main
subjects, among them the extent of Soviet espionage against the U.S. and the
extent of Soviet infiltration in our government, an infiltration so common and
ubiquitous in numerous Depression Era and wartime agencies that the government
was literally top-heavy enough to cause the ship-of-state to list ever Leftward.
The government was so saturated with lefties and Communists that they became
the de facto architects of domestic and foreign policies.
West dates the beginning of
the end of a fairly solid and reclaimable constitutional republic – reclaimable
from Wilson’s Progressive precedents of a central bank, the income tax, and
becoming the world’s moral policeman, moves which put the country on the road
to incremental serfdom – from 1933, when the U.S. recognized the U.S.S.R. as
“just another system of government,” not much different from our own.
Roosevelt, West explains,
believed in the “convergence” of our system of government and that of
the Soviets. Aside from buttressing his collectivist programs of the New Deal
welfare state, the “convergence theory” enabled Roosevelt to be
essentially an apolitical pragmatist.
was…one point of ideology that Roosevelt does seem to have fervently embraced,
which historian Dennis J. Dunn believes made him an ideologue after all. FDR,
Dunn writes, seized on the theory of “convergence” as it applied to
the United States and the USSR, the idea being that capitalism and Communism
would take on enough characteristics of the other to “converge.”
Dunn explains it, the convergence theory “held that Soviet Russia and the
United States were on convergent paths, where the United States was moving from
laissez-faire capitalism to welfare state socialism and the Soviet Union was
evolving from totalitarianism to social democracy.” (p. 192)
There’s that Hegelian/Marxist
“dialectical” evolutionary force that was somehow ineluctably moving both sides toward
“convergence” so that, to the casual observer, when the melding
occurred, there wouldn’t be a dime’s or kopek’s worth of difference between the
two countries. Human volition and action would have nothing to do with it,
neither in acts of Congress nor in executive branch decrees nor in Supreme
Court decisions. “Convergence theory” assumed the cognitive powers of
a somnambulist. It would “just happen.” Don’t blame us, counter the
advocates of that theory and others. We have nothing to do with it. It’s just
It would be unfair to both
West and her book to attempt anything here other than highlighting some of the
revelations she discusses at length throughout American Betrayal. Here are some of them:
Much of West’s story focuses
on the organized massive theft and redirection of American war productivity to
the Soviets that occurred under Lend-Lease. But how did it really begin? As
noted above, it was the idea of politically ambidextrous businessman Armand Hammer whose financial
and commercial relationship with the Soviets dated back to 1921. (His father, Dr.
Julius Hammer, a socialist and later a Communist, named him after the Socialist
Labor Party of America’s symbol of an arm and hammer.)
Worried that a Nazi attack on
the Soviet Union would jeopardize his interests in the Soviet Union (and no one
in Washington believed the German-Soviet non-aggression pact, signed on August
23rd, 1939, would last), he met with Roosevelt in the White House on
November 28th, 1940 and sold the president and Hopkins on the idea
of establishing a government entity that would be responsible for aiding the
British in their war with Germany (Hopkins later claimed the idea came to him out of the blue), but would actually
help Stalin prepare for the expected abrogation of the
“non-aggression” pact and enable him to withstand the invasion with
It should be noted that this
“pact” prepared the way for the co-invasion of Poland by both the
Nazis and the Soviets on September 1st, 1939, the spark that began
World War II. Both regarded the pact as a temporary truce (in Islam, a hudna contrived to buy time); Stalin
wanted to eventually conquer Europe; the Nazis drooled over the oil fields of
Baku and the prospect of endless lebensraum. Armand Hammer, who died in 1989, was a
walking exemplar of the political “convergence” subscribed to by
Roosevelt, a Republican who contributed to Richard Nixon’s 1972 presidential
campaign, and was a frequent visitor to the White Houses of Presidents Reagan,
Carter, and George H.W. Bush. He had met and was on friendly terms with every
Soviet dictator but Stalin.
Hitler signed the first
operational directive to invade the Soviet Union on December 18th,
On March 11, 1941, Congress
passed the Lend-Lease bill, and on June 22nd, Hitler invaded Russia.
Roosevelt appointed Hopkins as head of Lend-Lease.
West details just how much
Lend-Lease aided the Soviets. When the U.S. finally entered the war on December
7th, 1941, Hopkins and Lend-Lease gave aiding the Soviets the first
priority in planes, tanks, small arms, munitions, Liberty ships, military
machine parts, and other materiel, including food, clothing, medical supplies,
etc. – over the U.S.’s own warfighting
needs. While Americans had to make do with rationed sugar, butter, meat,
tires and gasoline, the Soviet government received these things free, without
condition, and without interest (on a “loan” which was not expected
to ever be paid back by the Soviets, and never was). The Navy and Army had to
wait until Soviet quotas were filled before being able to take delivery on
their own weaponry and supplies.
said so, and Roosevelt agreed. West also investigates the likelihood that
Hopkins aided the Soviets in acquiring not only information regarding the
Manhattan Project to produce the first atomic bomb, but facilitated, through
Lend-Lease, the Soviets receiving the actual physical components, such as
cadmium rods and uranium, allowing Soviet scientists to fashion their own bomb,
first tested in 1949. (pp. 122-123)
West writes about the political
power Lend-Lease gave Roosevelt and his “co-president,” Hopkins. Lend-Lease
to the American public as a means to keep the United States out of war in
Europe – as a substitute for U.S.
military involvement, not a means by which to enter the war…The legislation
endowed the president with unprecedented powers to bypass the Senate and other
checks and balances. For example, Lend-Lease allowed FDR to set the terms of
the most massive U.S. expenditures in foreign aid history and their repayment,
or nonrepayment. Who, then, needed a Senate to advise and consent on related
treaties? The State Department, too, took on attributes of a governmental fifth
wheel as Hopkins helmed Lend-Lease and
U.S. foreign policy from the White House. (p. 134)
Among other things, Singapore,
the Philippines and Corregidor fell to the Japanese because all the war
materiel that could’ve saved Americans and the British was instead sent to
Russia under Lend-Lease, and FDR and his advisers knew it. Douglas MacArthur
had to beg Washington for planes and naval support and relief, but the Soviets
came first. Roosevelt said, “I would rather lose New Zealand, Australia or
anything else rather than have the Russian front collapse.” (pp. 46-47)
The Office of War Information (OWI)
West devotes many pages to
how the Office of War Information, staffed and controlled largely by Communist
Party members, contributed to the white-washing of Soviet Russia, to make
“Papa Joe” Stalin and his dictatorship palatable to the American
public. Aiding them in this propaganda and agitprop were the press and
broadcast luminaries. The overall mantra was: Stalin and Russia were the
“good guys,” put upon by the “bad guys,” the Nazis. Stalin
and his régime never did a bad thing, they just had a “different”
political system, which shouldn’t be judged because of the millions it wiped
out of existence (those millions never mentioned). This effort ranged from standard
pep-talky government propaganda to wartime newsreels to Hollywood movies. The
standing orders from the OWI especially were that in no instance was the
totalitarian nature of Soviet Russia ever to be revealed, discussed, or even
A book about novelist Ayn
Rand’s testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947 concerning
the propaganda film Song
of Russia (1944) is revealing in and of itself. Rand’s testimony was
solicited because she had escaped Soviet Russia in 1926 and had first-hand
knowledge of conditions there. Concerning the lies propagated by the
government, one committee member asked her why she objected to the U.S. allying
itself with the Soviets to defeat Hitler. Rand answered:
is not what I said. I was not in a position to make that decision. If I were, I
would tell you what I would do. That is not what we are discussing. We are
discussing the fact that our country was an ally of Russia, and the question
is: what should we tell the American people about it – the truth or a lie? If
we had good reason, if that is what you believe, all right, then why not tell
the truth? Say it is a dictatorship, but we want to be associated with it. Say
it is worthwhile being associated with the devil, as Churchill said, in order
to defeat another evil which is Hitler. There might be some good argument made
for that. But why pretend that Russia was not what it was?**
Why pretend, indeed? Because
the government didn’t want to risk alienating Americans from the war effort. It
wouldn’t be good for “morale.” They might stop buying War Bonds, and
demand an end to rationing. They might object to being in league with a devil
that wanted to collectivize them, too.
Katyn Forest Massacre
After Hitler and Stalin had
devoured Poland in 1939, both went about “cleansing” Poland of its
government and military elements, with the Nazis targeting Polish Jews. We are
accustomed to watching videos of the Polish cavalry facing German tanks, but we
are rarely informed that in the spring of 1940 the Soviets murdered between 15,000
and 22,000 Polish officers and policemen in Katyn Forest to remove any chance
of the Poles resisting the Soviet occupation.
Initial blame was put on the
equally blood-thirsty Nazis, but it was the Nazis
who discovered the mass graves after capturing that region from the
Soviets, and who brought in several American and British POWs to see for
themselves (hoping to put a chink in the American-Soviet alliance), among them
Americans Capt. Donald B. Stewart and Lt. Col. John H. Van Vliet Jr. Stewart
later testified before a Congressional committee about what he saw, and Van
Vliet wrote two memos, one of which was put into an Orwellian memory hole – by Alger
Hiss in the State Department.
This information was relayed
to Roosevelt, so he and Hopkins knew about the massacre. They suppressed the
information. The country would not learn about it until 1950, when Stewart
delivered his testimony. Russia would not confess to the massacre until 1990.
Diana West discusses this
whole shameful episode in her ground-breaking book. (pp. 202-218)
The Nuremberg Trials
Another issue that sent Diana
West off on a wholly justified tear was the hypocrisy of the Nuremberg Trials, two
sets of them between November 1945 and October 1946, with the U.S. conducting
separate trials in its occupied zone in Germany. Two Soviet judges sat in
judgment of their fellow killers, the Germans, alongside their American, British
and French colleagues, and one Soviet chief prosecutor argued that justice be
meted out to the Germans in the dock. The presiding Soviet judge, Major General
Iona Nikitchenko, had previously presided over some of the notorious show
trials in the1930’s during the Great Purge.
But all the judges at
Nuremberg took part in a conspiracy of silence about the enormity of guilt shared
by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in the way of massacres, purges, beginning
WWII by invading Poland with Germany, and policies of extermination. West noted:
fact is, not a jot about the Soviet criminal case came to judgment at Nuremberg
– not the NKVD massacre of some twenty thousand Polish officers known as the
Katyn Forest Massacre (charged to the Germans), not the forced
“repatriation” of some two million Soviet-claimed refugees, which
occurred thanks to essential assistance from British and U.S. troops – our very
own war crime – which was still underway in Germany and elsewhere even as
Nuremberg unfolded. (p. 55)
No one was supposed to raise
so much as an eyebrow, if the ghastly details of Nazi depredations described
during the trials seemed to resemble the ghastly details of Soviet
depredations. The Soviets commit such crimes? Perish the thought. And thought
did indeed perish.
Stalin’s insistence on a “second front”
The conduct of the war was
more or less dictated by Stalin and adapted as necessary by Roosevelt and his
Hopkins-picked general military staff, which included Generals Dwight D.
Eisenhower and George C. Marshall. Stalin’s idea was, first, to prolong the war
as long as necessary, in order for the Soviets to better defend itself against
the Nazis; and second, that the British and Americans should open up a
“second front” by invading France. Winston Churchill, increasingly
the odd-man-out in the triumvirate, argued fruitlessly to open up the new front
by invading through the Balkans or through Italy, the better to cut off Soviet
advances into central Europe. Unlike Roosevelt, he had no illusions about
Stalin’s master plan and motives.
Both Roosevelt and Stalin
knew alsowhat Churchill was certain would happen if the Soviet armies
were able to overrun Eastern Europe and also Germany: those countries would
remain under Soviet rule. Roosevelt, the “great liberator,” was
comfortable with the idea. West writes, quoting Francis Cardinal Spellman’s
recollections from his September 3rd, 1943 meeting with Roosevelt:
European people will simply have to endure the Russian domination in the hope
that in ten or twenty years they will be able to live well with the
Russians,” Spellman recounted FDR saying at this pre-Tehran, pre-Yalta
moment. Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Bessarabia, the eastern half of
Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Austria, Hungary, Croatia, Germany – FDR conceded all to Communist régimes or Soviet
protection! What is most weird and most disturbing about Roosevelt’s obdurate
fatalism is that the entire Red Army at this time was still inside the USSR. (p. 266)
Of course Roosevelt’s
“fatalism” saved him the necessity of making a moral judgment. That
was moral relativism at work, his “convergence” kicking in to relieve
him of all responsibility for the certain misery and deaths that were sure to
follow a Soviet occupation of Eastern Europe. Don’t bother me, don’t bother me.
I don’t want to know.
And so Eisenhower became
Supreme Allied Commander and began planning D-Day.
German overtures to end war in 1943 rejected
Integral to understanding why
Stalin wanted his “second front” is West’s revelations that not only
was there an extensive German underground dedicated to ridding the country of
Hitler and ending the war – an underground the U.S. refused to assist or aid
in any way – but that Roosevelt, beholden to Stalin, rejected several overtures
from high-ranking German officers to kill or incarcerate Hitler, establish a
provisional, non-Nazi government, and
sue for peace – but on the condition that German forces released from fighting
the British and Americans be free to repel the Red Army from Germany and other
regions then held by the Nazis. The war could have ended in 1943, long before
the costly D-Day invasion through France in June 1944. Had that surrender
happened, D-Day would never have taken place. It wouldn’t have been necessary.
Churchill, sympathetic to the
idea, was helpless. Stalin wanted Germany reduced to rubble.
A German surrender in 1943 would
have been premature for Stalin and spoiled his plans to conquer as much of
Europe as possible without bumping into Anglo-American forces coming from the
west. He insisted on a “second front” and Roosevelt obliged him, with
Churchill’s strategic advice shunted to the side as irrelevant. All the men in the conspiracy to stage a coup d’état against Hitler were
subsequently executed by Hitler’s henchmen, including Admiral Wilhelm Canaris,
chief of German military intelligence, who had been aiding British intelligence,
and who was baffled by Roosevelt’s resistance.
(pp. 282-286, pp. 308-309)
The repatriation of Russians
and Europeans to the Soviets by British and American forces, on order from
Washington, was another shameful episode discussed by West, one not known to
very many Americans. Ordering General Patton to stop his pell-mell drive so
that the Red Army could take Berlin is a bit of history that hasn’t been
covered up. There is the issue of tens of thousands of American and British POWs
in German camps being “liberated” by the Red Army and subsequently
incarcerated in Soviet labor camps.
There is one pre-war episode
not mentioned by West but which has always stuck in my mind, one I read about long
ago as a teen and which inaugurated my suspicions that WWII was not entirely
conducted as I’d read in history books. This was story about the S.S.
St. Louis, which left Hamburg, Germany in May 1939 with 900 Jewish refugees
escaping Nazi persecution. After being turned away by Cuba, the ship called on
Miami, Florida. No one was allowed to enter the country because of an annual
quota on immigrants. After being rebuffed by the Canadians, as well, the ship
sailed to Antwerp, where many of the passengers were taken in by Britain, Belgium,
France, and the Netherlands.
When the Nazis invaded the
Continental countries, there was no escape for the remaining 620 passengers
taken in by those countries. It is estimated that 254 of them died from one Nazi
reason or another.
My point here is that the U.S.’s
ersatz immigrant quota system denied all those passengers a chance to survive
and live. Today, we allow the virtually unlimited immigration of Muslims, and
are contemplating allowing millions of illegal Mexican aliens, under the rubric
of “amnesty,” to remain here to better ensure a Democratic victory in
2016. This is a form of “convergence” not even Roosevelt could have
contemplated or imagined. He opened the gates to one form of enemy; Obama and
his minions continue to open them to another.
Diana West has done this
country a favor by putting between two covers the record of a long, disgraceful
period in American history. She will not receive very many thanks or
compliments for having done so. She is likely to be reviled and smeared, when
it is Franklin D. Roosevelt’s person and record that should be reviled, together
with the Soviets’ top agent, Harry Hopkins.
Moral and political
relativism, she demonstrated, allowed the U.S. to tolerate the Soviets and
their murderous totalitarian régime in the Red Decade, and then become an
“ally” with it to crush a rival totalitarian régime, that of the
Nazis. It inoculated Roosevelt, a political pragmatist with strong left-wing
premises, against knowledge of the terrible and freedom-destroying nature of
Communism, while, au contraire, at
the same time allowed him and his agents to decry the terrible and freedom-destroying
nature of Nazism.
West’s book initially began
as an enquiry into why 9/11 was met with the government’s ambivalence and
delusions about the nature of Islam. Observing the inroads Islam and Sharia law
were making in the U.S., she was certain
that Islam was not so much a primitive religion as an all-encompassing
totalitarian ideology, one as committed to conquest and slavery as had been Nazism,
Communism, and Shintoism. If the government had raised the hue and cry about
the evils of Nazism, why not about the evils of Islam?
Because Roosevelt, Hopkins,
and their allies in the State Department and other government entities
practiced their own brand of uncritical “outreach” to Communism and
the Soviet Union.
Her search for an answer led
her to discover and uncover, as far
as the surviving records permitted her, all the lies and truths about
Roosevelt, Harry Hopkins, Stalin, Communism, and the real reasons why the U.S.
was drawn into a war whose only real victor was the Soviet Union. No hue and
cry was ever raised by anyone in power about the evils of Communism, she
discovered. Why not? And those few who did raise the hue and cry were mocked,
smeared, marginalized, discredited, ignored, and banished from serious
What would permit our
government, the leader of the “free world,” to participate in and
perpetuate the suppression of the truth about Communism and the Soviet Union,
and to enlarge the area of the unfree world with an insouciant cry of C’est la vie?
What would motivate it to con Americans year after year and throughout a
If our national character is
defined as one of incorrigible individualism and freedom from fiat or arbitrary
coercion, what had happened to it?
These were the questions she
sought answers to.
One answer she learned was
that by 1933, our government had indeed reached another kind of
“convergence,” one in which truth and liberty met power-lust at a
vector point and were demolished by a craving for power over men as a means of
having power over reality, and that such power-lust would readily discard all
principles and all commitment to upholding not just the Constitution, but the
value of freedom. West does not go into the history of that growing power,
which can be traced back to certain ideas and actions taken by men in
government in the 19th and early 20th centuries to
implement those ideas, and advocated by numerous groups, the most prominent of
which were the Progressives.
On one hand, the culprits did
not value the truth. On the other, they feared its power and went to
extraordinary lengths to suppress it, erected ideological barricades to block
it from public knowledge, and punished those who spoke the truth or threatened
to tell the truth.
It’s all here in American Betrayal. Read it at your own risk.
West’s lesson to Americans:
Reality can’t be redacted, buried, fabricated, falsified, or omitted. Her book
is eloquent proof of it.
* American Betrayal: The Secret Assault on Our Nation’s Character,
by Diana West. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2013.
**Ayn Rand and Song of Russia: Communism and Anti-Communism in 1940s
Hollywood, by Robert Mayhew. Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press, 2005. pp.